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조선후기 정치·사상계의 栗谷 李珥 인식 변화 연구

  • 이경동 (대학원 한국사학과 한국중세사전공)

초록/요약

This study analyzed images of Yulgok Yi Yi (1536-1584), one of the representative politician and thinker in mid-16th century, interpreted and realized in Joseon society and their historical meaning. In this study, it is methodologically divided into three layers: Politics, School of Thoughts, and Statecraft. The time period is ranging from 16th century when Yi Yi was active, through 17th century when Yi Yi was grown as an icon of the time, to 18th century when formulated Yi Yi was generalized throughout the politics and thoughts. I. mid-16th century ～ early 17th century : Political and Academic Activity of Yi Yi and Formation of his Disciples For the most part of his life, Yi Yi was an active bureaucrat. While he led the conversations on Eulsa Uihun during the early years of king Seonjo’s reign, he was evaluated as the central figure of the literati and was renowned as the one talented in the statecraft. After 1575, however, in the process of government being divided into Dongin and Seoin, Yi Yi was characterized as Seoin. From the time of his death, with the government run primarily by Dongin, general appraisal on Yi Yi became negative, describing him as Ganin (奸人; the crafty person) and Soin (小人; the petty person), and the government avoided discussing reformist agendas suggested by Yi Yi. Yi Yi left outstanding achievement of the time in the field of Neo-Confucianism as well as political activity. Especially, his pattern of Neo-Confucian research was different from that of Yi Hwang, an eminent Neo-Confucian scholar of the time. Such research of his was succeeded by his disciples, including Kim Jangsaeng. On the other hand, after his death, his disciples started their endeavor for remembrance and succession of him. Their academic activity was centered by Eunbyeong-Jeongsa where Yi Yi pursued his studies, and they printed Yulgokjip, a collection of Yi Yi’s works. This endeavor of his disciples was spread throughout to scholars and bureaucrats who sympathized with the study of Yi Yi, and this was later grown into the school of his. Yi Yi proposed statecraft agendas based on changes for multiple socio-economic issues which arose in the 16th century. His statecraft was formed on the basis of ‘cultivating himself and governing others’, which is emphasized in Neo-Confucian theory, but he prioritized the economic issue first and tried to solve it by the system as a method for accomplishing edification of the society. For the most part of his reformist agendas include taxation system (readjusting the amount of tributes), military system (revision of military services), education system (civil service examination, selection of the literati), municipality (Hyangyak; the code of the villages). These were connected together and constituted the significant frame of Yi Yi’s statecraft. His statecraft, solving issues throughout the system, was different from those of other bureaucrats, for others sought for problems in human mind and nature. Ⅱ. mid-17th century ～ early 18th century : Reinterpretation of Yi Yi and Formulation of his Prestige With an political upheaval in 1723, Seoin, who were the political and academic successors of Yi Yi, took the lead of the politics, and concurrently Yi Yi’s prestige was recovered. Seoin characterized Yi Yi as the wise vassal and Neo-Confucianist who left extraordinary academic accomplishment, and continuously articulated positive images of Yi Yi himself. At the same time, Seoin tried to conduct Munmyo Baehyang for Yi Yi, the highest way of memorial for a Neo-Confucian scholar by enshrining one’s spirit tablet in the Confucian Shrine. Nevertheless, this failed consistently for they could not reach a societal consensus with the opposite political faction. During this process, Yi Yi’s past, such as his career as a Buddhist monk, was repeatedly raised and denied. Yi Yi’s enshrinement in Munmyo was possible in late 17th century, as a result of political victory which his academic successors attained. In the school of thoughts, Seoin developed their own Neo-Confucian study further on the basis of Yi Yi’s writings. In the meantime, Seoin, including Song Siyeol, identified Yi Yi with Zhu Xi, trying to realize the image of ‘Dongbang Zhu zi (Master Zhu of the East).’ The place where he pursued his study was regarded the same as Wuyi Jingshe of Mountain Wuyi in China, and Sin Saimdang, Yi Yi’s mother, was characterized as a morally splendid person. Such efforts of Seoin to memorialize Yi Yi continued into publishing his chronology, collecting and printing of his remaining works, and propagation of Seowon. Through these actions, Yi Yi was characterized as the perfectly ideal human model for a Neo-Confucianist, and his past, for example his being Buddhist monk, were re-worked in all the other forms. Yi Yi’s statecraft, forgotten after his death, was re-vitalized since Seoin took the lead in the politics. In the state management, Yi Yi’s statecraft was applied actively, and it was utilized in the field such as taxation system (Daedong Law), social caste system, improvement for local administration, and so on. Scholars like Yu Gye and Yi Yutae, who belonged to Seoin, wrote their own statecraft theories modeled after Yi Yi’s statecraft writings. On the other hand, Yu Hyeongwon, who had less academic connection with Seoin, quoted Yi Yi’s statecraft in his writing Bangyesurok, and in many aspects, the work of Yu showed similarities with that of Yi. Especially the point that Yu Hyeongwon made out for the system when designing a theory for an ideal society shows he shared certain sympathy with Yi Yi. Ⅲ. mid-18th century ～ late 18th century : Modification of Formulated Yi Yi and Enlargement of Utilization After mid-18th century, Yi Yi, with his prestige formulated by enshrinement in Munmyo during late 17th century, was appeared as a subject for the management of the state. Especially on Jojeongron (mediation theory), which made an appearance to solve factional conflict among the ministers after mid-18th century, a political theory of Yi Yi, proposed by Yi himself in late 16th century, was suggested as a model, and thus it became an important issue in the government. Yi Yi admitted factionalism among the bureaucrats, and proposed his mediation theory based on moral cultivation of bureaucrats. This theory reemerged by gaining responses from the monarchs after mid-18th century. However, such a reemergence strongly reflected the position where a monarch should remove the faction itself, and by depicting Yi Yi as the one who denied the factionalism, it was developed into different way from the prototype of Yi Yi. Academically, Noron, successors of Yi Yi and Song Siyeol, strengthened their orthodoxy and rationalized their superiority in politics and study. This process adopted the strategy of exclusion and unification, the same strategy which Song Siyeol used before. At the same time, it chose to aggregate the works of Yi Yi, collected and published from the early years of 17th century. They published Yulgok Jeonseo (Total Collection of Yulgok) having the identical structure with the collection of Er Cheng (Two Chengs), who were metaphysical scholars of China, and tried to establish Yi Yi as the one they recognized. Nonetheless, there was a gap between Yi Jae, the first planner of the project and Hong Gyehee, the last planner of the project. This showed a possibility of rift on the recognition on Yi Yi inside the very school of his. Even after mid-18th century, as much as it was in 17th century, Yi Yi’s statecraft was presented on the front in the process of main policy making. At this time, there were three ways of using Yi Yi’s statecraft; First, by utilizing Yi Yi’s statecraft actively while adhering to Yi Yi’s academic position. Second, by expanding frontiers of Yi Yi’s statecraft without considering academic schools while succeeding Yiyi’s academic position. Third, by embracing Yi Yi’s statecraft while having no association with Yi Yi’s school. These show the expandability of Yi Yi’s statecraft. The study comes to a conclusion as following: In the field of politics and thoughts of late Joseon dynasty, the figure named Yi Yi and his thoughts passed through diverse interpretation among re-creation, fabrication, or distortion, by the need of the time on the basis of his prototype. This process was developed in the layer of politics, school of thoughts, and statecraft, by affecting each other. ‘Munmyo Jongsa (enshrinement in Confucian shrine)’, ‘Tangpyeongron (theory of impartiality)’, ‘Dongbang Juja (Zhu Xi of the East)’, ‘Gyeongseron (statecraft)’ showed the changes of recognition on Yi Yi the most. Such changes made the environment where Yi Yi was highlighted, and the figure named Yi Yi was continuously re-created irrespectively of the prototype. Yi Yi was not an exclusive property for certain political faction or school of thought. In the court, monarchs actively utilized the figure of Yi Yi and his thoughts, and even people with different political or academic orientations consistently actualized Yi Yi or introjected thoughts of Yi Yi. From 16th century to 18th century, the person named Yi Yi had repeated the process of prototype, shift, formulation, and rift. From this point, the study of recognition on Yi Yi has a meaningful value as a historical tool which can explore the politics and the thoughts in late Joseon dynasty.

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목차

序 論 1
1. 문제제기와 연구목적 1
2. 연구사와 연구방향 4
3. 연구방법론과 내용구성 13
제1장 16세기 이이의 정치학문 활동과 경세론의 구조 19
1. 이이의 정치활동과 당대인의 이이 인식 19
1) 선조대 초반 을사위훈 논의 주도와 士類로의 위상 구축 19
2) 1575년(선조 8) 東西분당에 따른 이이의 調劑 노력과 한계 27
3) 1583년(선조 16) 癸未三竄을 전후로 한 이이의 調劑 실패와 西人으로의 규정 34
4) 이이 사후 東人의 이이에 대한 평가와 小人奸人論의 형성 43
2. 강학활동과 문인 형성 49
1) 이이 성리설의 구조와 현실인식 49
2) 은병정사 건립과 문인 형성 55
3) 문인들의 이이 추숭과 학파 형성: 소현서원 사액과 율곡집 간행 64
3. 이이 경세론의 구조와 특징 70
1) 성리학적 경세론의 전개와 분화 70
2) 이이 경세론의 구조와 제도변통론의 형성 77
3) 제도변통론의 구조와 지향 : 先養民後敎民論 83
제2장 17세기 중반18세기 초반 이이 인식의 재정립과 이이 경세론 계승 97
1. 문묘종사운동의 전개와 西人의 이이의 위상 강화 97
1) 인조반정 이후 이이에 대한 재평가와 牛栗 문묘종사의 추진 97
2) 효종현종대 서인남인간의 이이 인식과 문묘종사운동의 전개 105
3) 환국정치기 송시열의 이이 입산사실 재구성과 문묘종사 시행 114
4) 갑술환국 이후 이이의 문묘 복향과 先正 위상 정립 121
2. 西人의 이이 추숭사업 전개와 東方朱子 위상 구축 126
1) 이이 중심 성리학 연구와 송시열의 이이 東方朱子 관념 형성 126
2) 간행 사업의 전개와 이이 행적의 재정립 134
3) 이이 배향 서원 증가와 지역적 분포 148
4) 老論少論의 이이 인식 분화와 특징 : 東方朱子와 兩賢 154
3. 이이 경세론의 계승과 수용 161
1) 西人系의 이이 경세론 수용과 변용 161
(1) 유계의 因時制中論과 동호문답의 수용 161
(2) 이유태의 因時制宜論과 만언봉사의 수용 167
2) 磻溪隨錄에 나타난 유형원의 이상국가론과 이이 경세론 수용 173
제3장 18세기 중후반 이이에 대한 정치사상적 원용과 이이 경세론의 확산 193
1. 국정운영 과정에서의 이이 인식과 탕평론의 전개 193
1) 英祖의 緩論峻論 蕩平論과 이이 調劑論의 재현 193
2) 正祖의 義理蕩平論과 이이 道統論의 변용 204
2. 이이에 대한 노론의 학문 계승 노력과 이이 현창 210
1) 韓元震의 이이 계승 노력과 도통론의 심화 210
2) 栗谷全書 편찬을 통한 李縡洪禧의 이이 위상 정립 노력 215
3. 이이 경세론의 변용과 수용 범위의 확대 225
1) 제도변통론의 전개와 홍계희의 경세론 225
2) 위백규의 變通 인식과 修己-安民敎民論의 형성 230
3) 정약용의 經世書에 나타난 이이 경세론 수용 양상 236
結 論 241
附 表 251
參考文獻 287
abstract 303

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