일제 강점기 전문학교에 관한 연구
A Study on the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo(專門學校) in Korea under Japanese rule
- 주제(키워드) 전문학교 , 식민성 , 고등교육기회 , 고등교육 , 전문학교정책
- 발행기관 고려대학교 대학원
- 지도교수 한용진
- 발행년도 2018
- 학위수여년월 2018. 8
- 유형 Text
- 학위구분 박사
- 학과 대학원 교육학과
- 세부전공 교육철학 및 교육사학 전공
- 원문페이지 316 p
- 실제URI http://www.dcollection.net/handler/korea/000000081843
- UCI I804:11009-000000081843
- DOI 10.23186/korea.000000081843.11009.0000816
- 본문언어 한국어
- 제출원본 000045954616
초록/요약
This study aimed to investigate historical significance of the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo in the modern history of higher education by considering the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo policies of the Governor-General of Korea(the GGk) and the reaction of Koreans under Japanese rule. The results are as follows. Firstly, the higher education policies of the Joseon Dynasty and the Korean Empire government, and its inheritance, as the internal fator, had an important effect on the way that the GGK introduced the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo system into Korea under Japanese rule. Before the opening of a port, Koreans had accepted the recognition of ‘Higher Education’. And based on these epistemic foundation, the Reformist Bureaucrats attempted establishment of higher educational institutions during the Gabo Reform. As a result, the Korean Empire administered Law School and Medical School such as the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo during the Gwangmu Reform. Also, in the era of the Japanese Resident General, the Japanese Empire changed the three-stage school system that the Joseon Dynasty had introduced into the two-stage school system reduced, and thus Koreans tried to get the opportunities of higher education through studying aborad, resulting in the sharp increases in the number of Korean students stugying in Japan. The reason why the Japanese Empire enacted provisions relating to the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo in the first Joseon educational ordinance was mainly because the GGK had been aware of and got to consider treating Law School and Medical School, and the increased number of Korean students studying in Japan. In other words, through the introduction of the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo system in Korea, the GGK attempted to reform Law School and Medical School into the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos and to decrease the number of Korean students in Japan. Secondly, nevertheless, when the GGK established the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo policies, they considered the colonial rule as the most important purpose. Therefore, they had planned establishment of several governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos after the enactment of the second Joseon educational ordinance, but actually they postponed or cancelled these plans since then. And they eliminated the admission quota for Japanese students in the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos for the Japanese colonial manpower training, and accordingly the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos selected more Japanese students than Korean students after the enactment of the second Joseon educational ordinance. And while they granted the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo graduates a lot of qualifications, they granted the private Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo graduates only a few qualifications. Also, they carried out the wartime Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo policies for the execution of warfare after the enactment of the third Joseon educational ordinance, resulting in eradicating the opportunities for Korean acquire the higher education. It was because the policies about Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo of the GGK were fundamentally carried out for the colony, not for the nation-state. This is the case of revealing coloniality of the policies about Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos of the GGK. Thirdly, the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo system in Korea under Japanese rule was not directly transplanted from Japan as it was in Japan. In terms of surface-level, the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo system in Korea had many similarities with that in Japan. For example, both systems administered the same type of school (Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo), and were operated by the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo ordinance. And both granted the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo graduates a lot of qualifications. However, the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo system in Korea had many differences with that in Japan. For example, the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo system in Korea, which was founded and operated by the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo regulation which was made by the GGK during the period of the first Joseon educational ordinance, was different from the Japanese Jeon-Mun-Hak-kyo system which was done by Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo ordinance by the Japanese Government. And after University ordinance was made by the Japanese Government, several Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos in Japan could advance to the status of university, but the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo in Korea could not advance to the same level. Moreover, both the GGK and the Japanese Government granted the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo graduates a lot of qualifications, but the formenr is different from the latter in that the former has the racial problem. In other words, the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo of the colonial Korean after the enactment of the second Joseon educational ordinance selected new students, many of whom were mostly Japanese, and the private Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo selected new students, most of whom were Korean. At this situation, the policy of granting the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo graduates a lot of qualifications was meant to give a kind of privilege of qualification to Japanese students beyond its literal meaning, and included the purpose of policy to exclud Koreans. If the purposes of policies are different from each other, then, so is each system of those policies, too. Therefore, the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo system in Korea, which was founded by the GGK for the purpose of colonial rule, should be called the colonial Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo system as its own type. Fourthly, in this situation, Koreans attempted to have the opportunities for higher education against the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo policies of the GGK, taking various actions. In other words, the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo policies of the GGK as its colonial property had the negative impact on Koreans acquireing the opportunities of higher education, but Koreans’ desire to attend higher education was expressed in various forms, not suppressed by those policies. For example, Koreans established Higher Education-leveled Miscellaneous Schools and founded scholarships for poor students, and each local communities organized the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo establishing movement for providing the opportunities of higher education for the students in each local community. In other words, Koreans was the active subjects that actively attempted to have the opportunities for higher education, not the passive objects that only were influenced by the policies about Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos of the GGK. Also, It proves that Koreans had capabilities to the opportunities for higher education and establish the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo under Japanese rule. Fifthly, the fierce competition to enter the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos under Japanese rule has important implications for the way to understand the fierce competition to enter universities Since 1945. The Fierce competition to enter the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo under Japanese rule was caused not only by the unbalance of the law of supply(the number of the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos) and demand(the number of applicants). In other words, it was also caused by the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo policies that the GGK granted the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo graduates qualifications. In other words, despite the increase in male graduates of secondary shcools and the rate of their desires to enter the schools of higher grade, the GGK prevented the extension of the foundation of the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos and partly permitted the establishment of the private Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos under restriction. At the same time, the GGK granted the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo graduates qualifications, which resulted in the prominent status of the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo. In fact, the entrance competition rate for the governmental Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos was very high, but that of the private Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos was low under Japanese rule. Therefore, the GGK allowed establishment of several private Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos, but it had almost no effect on relieving the fierce competition to enter the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos. In other words, the fierce competition to enter the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos under Japanese rule mostly was caused by institutional factors. While the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo policies of the GGK as its colonial property had the negative impact on Koreans acquireing the opportunities of higher education, even in this situation, Koreans reacted to get the opportunities of higher educaion mainly from the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyoesin in various ways against those situation. In conclusion, Korean attempted to have the opportunities for higher education through the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos, and the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyos also provided the most opportunities for higher education for Korean under Japanese rule, in fact. Therefore, the Jeon-Mun-Hak-Kyo has very important significance in the modern history of higher education in Korea.
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Ⅰ. 서론 1
1. 연구의 목적과 필요성 1
2. 선행연구 분석 5
3. 연구의 내용과 방법 9
Ⅱ. 조선·대한제국 정부의 고등교육정책과 그 유산 11
1. 갑오개혁 이전 ‘고등교육’에 대한 조선인의 인식 11
1) 수신사·조사시찰단의 일본 ‘고등교육’에 대한 견문 11
2) 『한성순보』·『한성주보』의 ‘고등교육’에 대한 소개 17
3) 개화파 인사의 ‘고등교육’에 대한 인식 22
2. 갑오·광무개혁기 조선·대한제국 정부의 고등교육기관의 설립 30
1) 개혁관료의 대학 설립의 구상과 좌절 30
2) 법관양성소·의학교의 전문학교로서의 성격 38
3. 통감부기 학제의 축소개편과 고등교육단계의 삭제 43
1) 시데하라 학정참여관의 학제개편안 44
2) 초등교육-중등교육의 2단계 학제로의 축소개편 47
Ⅲ. 조선총독부의 전문학교제도의 도입과 내재적 요인 51
1. 「제1차 조선교육령」의 ‘전문학교’ 규정의 배경 51
1) 조선총독부의 학무관리와 일본 정부의 2단계 학제개편안 51
2) 일본 교육계의 ‘식민지 전문학교 설립론’ 55
3) 데라우치 총독의 ‘식민지 전문학교 설립안’ 60
2. 「전문학교규칙」의 제정 이유 68
1) 차별적 전문학교제도의 도입 68
2) 식민지 조선 내 전문학교 졸업자에 대한 차별대우 71
Ⅳ. 조선총독부의 전문학교정책의 식민지적 성격 74
1. 「제2차 조선교육령」기 전문학교정책의 식민지적 성격 74
1) 관립전문학교증설계획의 보류·취소 74
2) 관립전문학교의 조일공학정책과 조선인 입학자의 배제 97
3) 관립전문학교우대정책과 사립전문학교 졸업자에 대한 차별대우 120
3. 「제3·4차 조선교육령」기 전시전문학교정책의 식민지적 성격 144
1) 이과계 전문학교의 증설과 문과계 전문학교의 전환·폐쇄 145
2) 황민화교육과 사립전문학교의 조일공학정책 151
3) 전시동원정책과 전문교육의 형해화 157
Ⅴ. 조선인의 고등교육기회의 획득을 위한 대응 170
1. ‘전문정도’ 사립각종학교의 설립과 운영 170
1) ‘전문정도’ 사립각종학교의 설립 배경 170
2) ‘전문정도’ 사립각종학교의 설립 현황 173
3) ‘전문정도’ 사립각종학교의 운영 실태 187
2. 지역사회의 전문학교설립·유치운동의 전개 194
1) 고등교육기관의 ‘경성집중’과 지역 간 고등교육기회의 차별적 분배 194
2) 지역사회의 전문학교설립·유치운동의 현황 200
3) 지역사회의 전문학교설립·유치운동의 의의 215
3. 경제적 하위계층을 위한 장학단체의 설립 219
1) 전문학교 재학자의 과다한 연간 지출비용 219
2) 장학단체의 설립 경위와 운영 현황 228
3) 장학단체의 설립의 의의 245
4. ‘남성중등학교 졸업자’의 학교선택 247
1) ‘남성중등학교 졸업자’ 수의 증가 248
2) ‘남성중등학교 졸업자’의 높은 진학희망률과 관학지망률 251
3) 관립전문학교의 극심한 입학경쟁률 262
4) 관사립전문학교 재학자 간의 비대칭적 출신학교 구성 267
Ⅵ. 요약 및 결론 274
1. 요약 274
2. 결론 279
<참고문헌> 283
<부록> 298
<연표> 303
<학교체계도> 304

